Michael Isikoff
NEWSWEEK
Updated: 11:06 AM ET May 24, 2008
"When Illinois utility Commonwealth Edison wanted state lawmakers to back a hefty rate hike two years ago, it took a creative lobbying approach, concocting a new outfit that seemed devoted to the public interest: Consumers Organized for Reliable Electricity, or CORE. CORE ran TV ads warning of a "California-style energy crisis" if the rate increase wasn't approved—but without disclosing the commercials were funded by Commonwealth Edison. The ad campaign provoked a brief uproar when its ties to the utility, which is owned by Exelon Corp., became known. "It's corporate money trying to hoodwink the public," the state's Democratic Lt. Gov. Pat Quinn said. What got scant notice then—but may soon get more scrutiny—is that CORE was the brainchild of ASK Public Strategies, a consulting firm whose senior partner is David Axelrod, now chief strategist for Barack Obama.
Last week, Obama hit John McCain for hiring "some of the biggest lobbyists in Washington" to run his campaign; Obama's aides say their candidate, as a foe of "special interests," has refused to take money from lobbyists or employ them. Neither Axelrod nor his partners at ASK ever registered as lobbyists for Commonwealth Edison—and under Illinois's loose disclosure laws, they were not required to. "I've never lobbied anybody in my life," Axelrod tells NEWSWEEK. "I've never talked to any public official on behalf of a corporate client." (He also says "no one ever denied" that Edison was the "principal funder" of his firm's ad campaign.)
But the activities of ASK (located in the same office as Axelrod's political firm) illustrate the difficulties in defining exactly who a lobbyist is. In 2004, Cablevision hired ASK to set up a group similar to CORE to block a new stadium for the New York Jets in Manhattan. Unlike Illinois, New York disclosure laws do cover such work, and ASK's $1.1 million fee was listed as the "largest lobbying contract" of the year in the annual report of the state's lobbying commission. ASK last year proposed a similar "political campaign style approach" to help Illinois hospitals block a state proposal that would have forced them to provide more medical care to the indigent. One part of its plan: create a "grassroots" group of medical experts "capable of contacting policymakers to advocate for our position," according to a copy of the proposal. (ASK didn't get the contract.) Public-interest watchdogs say these grassroots campaigns are state of the art in the lobbying world. "There's no way with a straight face to say that's not lobbying," says Ellen Miller, director of the Sunlight Foundation, which promotes government transparency.
Axelrod says there are still huge differences between him and top McCain advisers, including the fact that he doesn't work in D.C. But his corporate clients do have business in the capital. One of them, Exelon, lobbied Obama two years ago on a nuclear bill; the firm's executives and employees have also been a top source of cash for Obama's campaign, contributing $236,211. Axelrod says he's never talked to Obama about Exelon matters. "I'm not going to public officials with bundles of money on behalf of a corporate client," Axelrod says."
Showing posts with label Obama and lobbyists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obama and lobbyists. Show all posts
Wednesday, May 28, 2008
Thursday, April 17, 2008
Obama tied to lobbyists, but boasts of not taking money
From USA Today on April 16, 2008: "WASHINGTON — Barack Obama often boasts he is "the only candidate who isn't taking a dime from Washington lobbyists," yet his fundraising team includes 38 members of law firms that were paid $138 million last year to lobby the federal government, records show.Those lawyers, including 10 former federal lobbyists, have pledged to raise at least $3.5 million for the Illinois senator's presidential race. Employees of their firms have given Obama's campaign $2.26 million, a USA TODAY analysis of campaign finance data shows.
Thirty-one of the 38 are law firm partners, who typically receive a share of their firm's lobbying fees. At least six of them have some managerial authority over lobbyists.
"It makes no difference whether the person is a registered lobbyist or the partner of a registered lobbyist, if the person is raising money to get access or curry favor," said Michael Malbin, director of the Campaign Finance Institute, a non-partisan think tank.
Obama spokesman Tommy Vietor said that while Obama's refusal to take money from lobbyists "isn't a perfect solution or symbol, it does reflect Obama's record of trying to change the way that Washington does business." He declined to elaborate.
Lobbyists have long played key fundraising and policymaking roles for candidates, and lobbyists are raising money for both Hillary Rodham Clinton and John McCain.
Obama fundraisers who work for law firms that lobby and share the fees include:
•Allan Katz, a Florida lawyer who chairs the government relations practice of Akerman Senterfitt. The firm took in $3.6 million for Washington lobbying last year, according to public records compiled by the non-partisan Center for Responsive Politics. The firm touts on its website "an enviable level of access" for clients.
•Mark Alderman, managing partner of Philadelphia's WolfBlock law firm. The firm's lobbying subsidiary earned $930,000 in Washington last year representing clients including defense contractor Lockheed Martin, records show.
•Scott Blake Harris, managing partner of Harris, Wiltshire & Grannis, a Washington telecommunications law firm. Harris withdrew as a lobbyist for Microsoft and Cisco in June, but his partners still lobby, he said.
"My practice isn't going to be helped by this at all," said Harris, who said he got involved with Obama after his 14-year-old son interned in the senator's office. "I went to see him because of how nice he'd been to my kid, and I was captivated by his vision."
Katz, who got to know Obama over dinner, said his lobbying business "will be fine whether he wins or whether he loses."
Alderman said he was "just blown away" after meeting Obama. "This is not a business proposition for me," he said.
OBAMA FUNDRAISERS: Lobbyist ties
These 38 fundraisers for Barack Obama's presidential campaign work for law firms that have lobbying operations in Washington, D.C. The dollar figure reflects the minimum amount each has pledged to raise for the campaign.
BUNDLER
MIN. PLEDGE LOCATION FIRM
Scott Harris $200,000 DC Harris, Wiltshire and Grannis
Allan J. Katz
$200,000 FL Akerman Senterfitt
Michael Lawson $200,000 CA Skadden, Arps
John Levi $200,000 IL Sidley Austin
Karol Mason $200,000 GA Alston & Bird
Thomas J. Perrelli $200,000 VA Jenner & Block
Thomas A. Reed $200,000 VA Kirkpatrick & Lockhart Preston Gates Ellis
Christina Tchen $200,000 IL Skadden, Arps
Tony West $200,000 CA Morrison & Foerster
Mark L. Alderman $100,000 PA Wolf, Block, Schorr and Solis-Cohen
Timothy M. Broas $100,000 MD Winston & Strawn
Peter Bynoe $100,000 IL DLA Piper
Gregory B. Craig $100,000 DC Williams & Connolly
Norman Eisen $100,000 DC Zuckerman Spaeder
Nicole Lamb-Hale $100,000 MI Foley & Lardner
Andrew Schapiro $100,000 NY Mayer Brown
Charles C. Adams Jr. $50,000 Switzerland Hogan & Hartson
David Burd $50,000 DC Arnold & Porter
Tom Cole $50,000 IL Sidley Austin
Michael H. Dardzinski $50,000 China Reed Smith
Howard W. Gutman $50,000 MD Williams & Connolly
Jeff Horwitz $50,000 NY Proskauer Rose
David C. Jacobson $50,000 IL Sonnenschein Nath & Rosenthal
Hrishi Karthikeyan $50,000 DC Covington & Burling
Ronald Kirk $50,000 TX Vinson & Elkins
William T. Lake $50,000 DC WilmerHale
Edward Lazarus $50,000 CA Akin Gump
Jack Levin $50,000 IL Kirkland & Ellis
Kenneth G. Lore $50,000 DC Bingham McCutchen
Charles B. Ortner $50,000 NY Proskauer Rose
Susan Pravda $50,000 MA Foley & Lardner
Paul N. Roth $50,000 NY Schulte Roth & Zabel
John Schmidt $50,000 IL Mayer Brown
Robert M. Sussman* $50,000 DC Latham & Watkins
Kathryn Thomson $50,000 VA Sidley Austin
Barry B. White $50,000 MA Foley Hoag
Steven M. Zager $50,000 TX Akin Gump
Robert S. Litt n/a MD Arnold & Porter
* Robert M. Sussman retired as a partner on December 31, 2007.
Source: Obama for America, Center for Responsive Politics, Public Citizen
Thirty-one of the 38 are law firm partners, who typically receive a share of their firm's lobbying fees. At least six of them have some managerial authority over lobbyists.
"It makes no difference whether the person is a registered lobbyist or the partner of a registered lobbyist, if the person is raising money to get access or curry favor," said Michael Malbin, director of the Campaign Finance Institute, a non-partisan think tank.
Obama spokesman Tommy Vietor said that while Obama's refusal to take money from lobbyists "isn't a perfect solution or symbol, it does reflect Obama's record of trying to change the way that Washington does business." He declined to elaborate.
Lobbyists have long played key fundraising and policymaking roles for candidates, and lobbyists are raising money for both Hillary Rodham Clinton and John McCain.
Obama fundraisers who work for law firms that lobby and share the fees include:
•Allan Katz, a Florida lawyer who chairs the government relations practice of Akerman Senterfitt. The firm took in $3.6 million for Washington lobbying last year, according to public records compiled by the non-partisan Center for Responsive Politics. The firm touts on its website "an enviable level of access" for clients.
•Mark Alderman, managing partner of Philadelphia's WolfBlock law firm. The firm's lobbying subsidiary earned $930,000 in Washington last year representing clients including defense contractor Lockheed Martin, records show.
•Scott Blake Harris, managing partner of Harris, Wiltshire & Grannis, a Washington telecommunications law firm. Harris withdrew as a lobbyist for Microsoft and Cisco in June, but his partners still lobby, he said.
"My practice isn't going to be helped by this at all," said Harris, who said he got involved with Obama after his 14-year-old son interned in the senator's office. "I went to see him because of how nice he'd been to my kid, and I was captivated by his vision."
Katz, who got to know Obama over dinner, said his lobbying business "will be fine whether he wins or whether he loses."
Alderman said he was "just blown away" after meeting Obama. "This is not a business proposition for me," he said.
OBAMA FUNDRAISERS: Lobbyist ties
These 38 fundraisers for Barack Obama's presidential campaign work for law firms that have lobbying operations in Washington, D.C. The dollar figure reflects the minimum amount each has pledged to raise for the campaign.
BUNDLER
MIN. PLEDGE LOCATION FIRM
Scott Harris $200,000 DC Harris, Wiltshire and Grannis
Allan J. Katz
$200,000 FL Akerman Senterfitt
Michael Lawson $200,000 CA Skadden, Arps
John Levi $200,000 IL Sidley Austin
Karol Mason $200,000 GA Alston & Bird
Thomas J. Perrelli $200,000 VA Jenner & Block
Thomas A. Reed $200,000 VA Kirkpatrick & Lockhart Preston Gates Ellis
Christina Tchen $200,000 IL Skadden, Arps
Tony West $200,000 CA Morrison & Foerster
Mark L. Alderman $100,000 PA Wolf, Block, Schorr and Solis-Cohen
Timothy M. Broas $100,000 MD Winston & Strawn
Peter Bynoe $100,000 IL DLA Piper
Gregory B. Craig $100,000 DC Williams & Connolly
Norman Eisen $100,000 DC Zuckerman Spaeder
Nicole Lamb-Hale $100,000 MI Foley & Lardner
Andrew Schapiro $100,000 NY Mayer Brown
Charles C. Adams Jr. $50,000 Switzerland Hogan & Hartson
David Burd $50,000 DC Arnold & Porter
Tom Cole $50,000 IL Sidley Austin
Michael H. Dardzinski $50,000 China Reed Smith
Howard W. Gutman $50,000 MD Williams & Connolly
Jeff Horwitz $50,000 NY Proskauer Rose
David C. Jacobson $50,000 IL Sonnenschein Nath & Rosenthal
Hrishi Karthikeyan $50,000 DC Covington & Burling
Ronald Kirk $50,000 TX Vinson & Elkins
William T. Lake $50,000 DC WilmerHale
Edward Lazarus $50,000 CA Akin Gump
Jack Levin $50,000 IL Kirkland & Ellis
Kenneth G. Lore $50,000 DC Bingham McCutchen
Charles B. Ortner $50,000 NY Proskauer Rose
Susan Pravda $50,000 MA Foley & Lardner
Paul N. Roth $50,000 NY Schulte Roth & Zabel
John Schmidt $50,000 IL Mayer Brown
Robert M. Sussman* $50,000 DC Latham & Watkins
Kathryn Thomson $50,000 VA Sidley Austin
Barry B. White $50,000 MA Foley Hoag
Steven M. Zager $50,000 TX Akin Gump
Robert S. Litt n/a MD Arnold & Porter
* Robert M. Sussman retired as a partner on December 31, 2007.
Source: Obama for America, Center for Responsive Politics, Public Citizen
Wednesday, February 20, 2008
Lobbyists on Obama's Payroll
From The Hill on December 20, 2007: "Three political aides on Sen. Barack Obama’s (D-Ill.) payroll were registered lobbyists for dozens of corporations, including Wal-Mart, British Petroleum and Lockheed Martin, while they received payments from his campaign, according to public documents.
The presence of political operatives with long client lists on Obama’s campaign contrasts with his long-held stand of campaigning against the influence of special interests. Obama has even refused to accept contributions from lobbyists or political action committees (PACs)."
The presence of political operatives with long client lists on Obama’s campaign contrasts with his long-held stand of campaigning against the influence of special interests. Obama has even refused to accept contributions from lobbyists or political action committees (PACs)."
Obama's Own K Street Project
From The Hill on March 28, 2007: "Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) is benefiting from the support of well-connected Washington lobbyists even though he has prohibited his campaign from accepting contributions from them and political action committees (PACs).
While Obama has decried the influence of special interests in Washington, the reality is that many of the most talented and experienced political operatives in his party are lobbyists, and he needs their help.
Mike Williams, the director of government relations at Credit Suisse Securities, said of the network of lobbyists supporting Obama: “I would imagine that it’s as large as the Clinton list,” in reference to rival presidential candidate Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.), who is an entrenched favorite of the Washington Democratic establishment.
He said that while lobbyists cannot give money to Obama, they can give “policy” and “campaign support.” Indeed, K Street denizens have rare policy and national campaign expertise.
Williams is actively building support for Obama among lobbyists and the corporate clients they represent. While other Obama supporters have described him as a leading activist, Williams demurs: “I wouldn’t want to put my position as a spearhead.” He acknowledges that the gains Obama is making among Washington’s Democratic establishment are hard to see because Obama’s K Street supporters have kept a low profile. As a result, Obama’s K Street network is a stealthy operation.
Williams said Clinton’s network appears larger because “it’s easy to find the Clinton people because they’re going to be on the FEC reports anyway,” discussing fundraising reports posted by the Federal Election Commission.
Clinton expects lobbyists supporting her to give to her campaign, leaving them little choice but to declare their allegiance publicly. Because Obama has refused their money, lobbyists backing him can keep their support private, and avoid angering Sens. Joseph Biden (D-Del.) and Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), who are powerful Senate committee chairmen running for the Democratic nomination.
Obama’s spokesman Bill Burton said the senator knows that it is impossible to completely escape the influence of Washington’s establishment, but that rejecting lobbyists’ money is an important gesture.
“Senator Obama said when he set out this policy that it doesn’t solve the problem of money in politics but it is a sign and symbolic step in the right direction,” said Burton. “It’s not going to stop the sway that money has over policies or that special interests have over legislation, but it indicates the type of administration Obama would have if elected.”
Other K Street players working to build momentum for Obama are former Sen. Tom Daschle (D-S.D.), a consultant for Alston & Bird; Broderick Johnson, president of Bryan Cave Strategies LLC; Mark Keam, the lead Democratic lobbyist at Verizon; Jimmy Williams, vice president of government affairs for the Wine & Spirits Wholesalers of America; Thomas Walls, vice president of federal public affairs at McGuireWoods Consulting; and Francis Grab, senior manager at Washington Council Ernst & Young.
Lobbyists tend to be cautious creatures. Evidence that they are flocking to Obama’s camp shows that his campaign has gained substantial momentum among the politically sophisticated.
Some of Obama’s K Street boosters keep their support a secret to uphold Obama’s image as a Washington outsider untainted by D.C.’s influence business.
When Obama declared his presidential candidacy in February, he said he would re-engage Americans disenchanted with business-as-usual in Washington who had turned away from politics.
“And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what’s filled the void,” said Obama. “The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who’ve turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter; they think they own this government, but we’re here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It’s time to turn the page.”
In a fundraising e-mail distributed yesterday, Obama emphasized his stance against taking money from lobbyists and PACs.
Two lobbyists who are supporting another candidate and spoke to The Hill on condition of anonymity said that Obama’s campaign contacted them asking to be put in touch with their networks of business clients and acquaintances.
One of the lobbyists, who supports Clinton, said that Shomik Dutta, a fundraiser for Obama’s campaign, called to ask if the lobbyist’s wife would be interested in making a political contribution.
“I was quite taken aback,” he said. “He was very direct in saying that you’re a lobbyist and we don’t want contributions from lobbyists. But your wife can contribute and we like your network.”
Dutta declined to discuss his work.
Williams, of Credit Suisse, said that asking for access to lobbyists’ networks is not the same as asking lobbyists to raise money for Obama.
“When they say, ‘Give us access to your network,’ it’s not so we can raise money from them; it’s so we can have conversations with them and see whether [members of the networks] are interested in what we’re saying,” he said. “They may decide they are not interested.”
Some lobbyists who favor Obama want to stay below the radar to avoid retaliation from rivals such as Clinton, Biden, and Dodd.
One lobbyist who has worked hard for Obama behind the scenes, according to two pro-Obama lobbyists, denied that he was in the Illinois senator’s camp when queried by The Hill. The shy lobbyist wanted to keep his allegiance secret because he represents a New York-based company and his job could be harmed if he alienated Clinton, explained a fellow Obama partisan.
Other pro-Obama lobbyists are open about their plans to help him become president.
“He’s like Bill Clinton with no baggage,” said Jimmy Williams, of the Wine & Spirits Wholesalers. “He’s got that aura and people are talking about him. You realize you’re in the presence of something incredible. He has broad appeal.”
“He won’t take our money but we can go out and campaign for him,” he said. “I’m more than happy to campaign for the guy because the country is in dire need of honest leadership.”
Williams, a former aide to Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), said he was in contact with Durbin’s office to plot out ways to get more young voters interested in Obama.
He also said he would try to raise money for Obama’s campaign in his home county of Rappahannock, in Virginia
“We’ll have a fundraiser in Little Washington or Sperryville or something. I haven’t locked it down yet,” he said. "
While Obama has decried the influence of special interests in Washington, the reality is that many of the most talented and experienced political operatives in his party are lobbyists, and he needs their help.
Mike Williams, the director of government relations at Credit Suisse Securities, said of the network of lobbyists supporting Obama: “I would imagine that it’s as large as the Clinton list,” in reference to rival presidential candidate Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.), who is an entrenched favorite of the Washington Democratic establishment.
He said that while lobbyists cannot give money to Obama, they can give “policy” and “campaign support.” Indeed, K Street denizens have rare policy and national campaign expertise.
Williams is actively building support for Obama among lobbyists and the corporate clients they represent. While other Obama supporters have described him as a leading activist, Williams demurs: “I wouldn’t want to put my position as a spearhead.” He acknowledges that the gains Obama is making among Washington’s Democratic establishment are hard to see because Obama’s K Street supporters have kept a low profile. As a result, Obama’s K Street network is a stealthy operation.
Williams said Clinton’s network appears larger because “it’s easy to find the Clinton people because they’re going to be on the FEC reports anyway,” discussing fundraising reports posted by the Federal Election Commission.
Clinton expects lobbyists supporting her to give to her campaign, leaving them little choice but to declare their allegiance publicly. Because Obama has refused their money, lobbyists backing him can keep their support private, and avoid angering Sens. Joseph Biden (D-Del.) and Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), who are powerful Senate committee chairmen running for the Democratic nomination.
Obama’s spokesman Bill Burton said the senator knows that it is impossible to completely escape the influence of Washington’s establishment, but that rejecting lobbyists’ money is an important gesture.
“Senator Obama said when he set out this policy that it doesn’t solve the problem of money in politics but it is a sign and symbolic step in the right direction,” said Burton. “It’s not going to stop the sway that money has over policies or that special interests have over legislation, but it indicates the type of administration Obama would have if elected.”
Other K Street players working to build momentum for Obama are former Sen. Tom Daschle (D-S.D.), a consultant for Alston & Bird; Broderick Johnson, president of Bryan Cave Strategies LLC; Mark Keam, the lead Democratic lobbyist at Verizon; Jimmy Williams, vice president of government affairs for the Wine & Spirits Wholesalers of America; Thomas Walls, vice president of federal public affairs at McGuireWoods Consulting; and Francis Grab, senior manager at Washington Council Ernst & Young.
Lobbyists tend to be cautious creatures. Evidence that they are flocking to Obama’s camp shows that his campaign has gained substantial momentum among the politically sophisticated.
Some of Obama’s K Street boosters keep their support a secret to uphold Obama’s image as a Washington outsider untainted by D.C.’s influence business.
When Obama declared his presidential candidacy in February, he said he would re-engage Americans disenchanted with business-as-usual in Washington who had turned away from politics.
“And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what’s filled the void,” said Obama. “The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who’ve turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter; they think they own this government, but we’re here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It’s time to turn the page.”
In a fundraising e-mail distributed yesterday, Obama emphasized his stance against taking money from lobbyists and PACs.
Two lobbyists who are supporting another candidate and spoke to The Hill on condition of anonymity said that Obama’s campaign contacted them asking to be put in touch with their networks of business clients and acquaintances.
One of the lobbyists, who supports Clinton, said that Shomik Dutta, a fundraiser for Obama’s campaign, called to ask if the lobbyist’s wife would be interested in making a political contribution.
“I was quite taken aback,” he said. “He was very direct in saying that you’re a lobbyist and we don’t want contributions from lobbyists. But your wife can contribute and we like your network.”
Dutta declined to discuss his work.
Williams, of Credit Suisse, said that asking for access to lobbyists’ networks is not the same as asking lobbyists to raise money for Obama.
“When they say, ‘Give us access to your network,’ it’s not so we can raise money from them; it’s so we can have conversations with them and see whether [members of the networks] are interested in what we’re saying,” he said. “They may decide they are not interested.”
Some lobbyists who favor Obama want to stay below the radar to avoid retaliation from rivals such as Clinton, Biden, and Dodd.
One lobbyist who has worked hard for Obama behind the scenes, according to two pro-Obama lobbyists, denied that he was in the Illinois senator’s camp when queried by The Hill. The shy lobbyist wanted to keep his allegiance secret because he represents a New York-based company and his job could be harmed if he alienated Clinton, explained a fellow Obama partisan.
Other pro-Obama lobbyists are open about their plans to help him become president.
“He’s like Bill Clinton with no baggage,” said Jimmy Williams, of the Wine & Spirits Wholesalers. “He’s got that aura and people are talking about him. You realize you’re in the presence of something incredible. He has broad appeal.”
“He won’t take our money but we can go out and campaign for him,” he said. “I’m more than happy to campaign for the guy because the country is in dire need of honest leadership.”
Williams, a former aide to Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), said he was in contact with Durbin’s office to plot out ways to get more young voters interested in Obama.
He also said he would try to raise money for Obama’s campaign in his home county of Rappahannock, in Virginia
“We’ll have a fundraiser in Little Washington or Sperryville or something. I haven’t locked it down yet,” he said. "
Wednesday, February 13, 2008
Obama & Illinois Senate President Share Big Contributors
From BeachwoodReportercom on April 27, 2007 by Steve rhodes: "There has always been a disconnect between the rhetoric of the Obama campaign and its fundraising operation. Far from being a grass-roots effort on behalf of "the people," Obama is in fact tapping the same wealthy donor base that he decries as "insiders" and "special interests" as Establishment presidential candidates past and present.
What's worse is the campaign's willful deception in, among other areas, its e-mail solicitations to the Net crowd in which the rhetoric of a citizens' campaign is laid on thick, even as the Obama works hard to keep his top-dollar fundraisers secret and out of the press.
Now some hard data and quality reporting is in that illustrates the reality of Obama's fundraising - and not just the fat cats behind it, but how the campaign has at once declared it won't accept money from lobbyists even as it accepts money from lobbyists.
1. "Some of Obama's K Street boosters keep their support a secret to uphold Obama's image as a Washington outsider untainted by D.C.'s influence," The Hill reports.
"When Obama declared his presidential candidacy in February, he said he would re-engage Americans disenchanted with business-as-usual in Washington who had turned away from politics.
"'And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what's filled the void,' said Obama. 'The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who've turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter; they think they own this government, but we're here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It's time to turn the page.'
"In a fundraising e-mail distributed yesterday, Obama emphasized his stance against taking money from lobbyists and PACs.
"Two lobbyists who are supporting another candidate and spoke to The Hill on condition of anonymity said that Obama's campaign contacted them asking to be put in touch with their networks of business clients and acquaintances.
"One of the lobbyists, who supports Clinton, said that Shomik Dutta, a fundraiser for Obama's campaign, called to ask if the lobbyist's wife would be interested in making a political contribution.
"'I was quite taken aback,' he said. 'He was very direct in saying that you're a lobbyist and we don't want contributions from lobbyists. But your wife can contribute and we like your network.'"
2. Last week, The New York Times reported that "Obama . . . has told some donors that their support enables him to run a new kind of campaign by refusing fundraising help from federal lobbyists. But a list of his top fundraisers released over the weekend shows that his campaign has defined the term in a way that allows him to accept contributions from people who were federal lobbyists at the start of his campaign.
"One of the best-known Democratic donors on his list of 130 top fundraisers, Alan Solomont, was registered as a federal lobbyists as recently as the last filing period for such registration, at the end of 2006.
"Mr. Solomont, who helped raise more than $35 million for Senator John Kerry's presidential campaign in 2004, founded a nursing home and assisted living company. During the Clinton administration, some Republicans claimed that he had used his clout as a fundraiser to argue against tougher regulations of nursing homes.
"Last year, he reported more than $90,000 in income from lobbying the federal government about Medicare and Medicaid.
"In an interview, Mr. Solomont said he had withdrawn his lobbyist registration as soon as he signed on as a fundraiser for Mr. Obama."
3. The Los Angeles Times reports that "the same wealthy interests are funding his campaign as are funding other candidates, whether or not they are lobbyists."
The Times reports that Obama has said in his e-mail solicitations that 'It may sound strange for a presidential candidate to launch a fundraising drive that isn't about dollars. But our democracy shouldn't be about money, and it's time our campaigns weren't either.'
"In another e-mail seeking money, Obama decried the 'special interest industry in Washington' and warned it would spend more money than ever to 'try to own our political process.'
"'We're not going to play that game,' the e-mail said."
The campaign has all but admitted, though, that its position is all about symbolism, not substance.
"This ban is part of Obama's best effort to address the problem of money in politics," spokesman Bill Burton told the Times. "It isn't a perfect solution to the problem and it isn't even a perfect symbol. But it does reflect that Obama shares the urgency of the American people to change the way Washington operates."
Um, okay.
"Obama's biggest single source of corporate money - $160,000 - came from executives at Exelon Corp., the nation's largest nuclear power provider, and its subsidiary, Commonwealth Edison, an Illinois utility," the Times reports.
ComEd, of course, is also one of the biggest supporters of Emil Jones, whom Barack Obama calls his political mento and who just used a parliamentary maneuver to keep the utility's controversial rate hike on track.
(The Rockford Register Star says: ComEd has been one of Jones' top two campaign contributors. In 2005, according to Crain's Chicago Business, Jones was the guest of honor at a fundraiser at the home of ComEd President Frank Clark. Crain's reported that the event generated about $127,000 in donations for Jones' campaign, with at least $78,000 of the contributions coming from dozens of executives and board members with ComEd and parent company Exelon Corp., as well as ComEd and power industry lobbyists.")
"Exelon spent $500,000 to influence policy in Washington last year," the L.A. Times report says. "Although Obama took no money from Exelon's Washington lobbyists, he accepted $1,000 checks from lobbyists John P. Novak and James Monk of Springfield. In Springfield, Novak represents Exelon., and Monk is president of the Illinois Energy Assn., a trade group that represents Commonwealth Edison.
"In Tallahassee, Obama held a fundraiser attended by several statehouse lobbyists, taking checks from lobbyists for trial attorneys, the insurance industry, fast-food chains and sugar cane growers. State and federal issues often are related, as noted by the law firm Akerman Senterfitt, whose Florida-based members donated $7,000 to Obama. On its website, Akerman notes it combines Tallahassee connections with 'an involved federal political action committee' to provide its clients 'with an enviable level of access.'"
And that's not all.
"On May 2, Obama is scheduled to attend a $2,300-per-ticket breakfast 10 blocks from the Capitol," the Times says. "The hosts include 22 lawyers. Although they are not federal lobbyists, three in the past have been registered lobbyists; they all work at firms that have Washington lobbying operations or hire outside lobbying firms to contact lawmakers.
"Lobbyists at the law firms where the lawyers work billed lobbying clients a combined $19 million in 2006, according to PoliticalMoneyLine. Clients include defense contractors, energy producers, healthcare interests, pharmaceutical manufacturers and tobacco companies.
"One lawyer co-hosting the Obama event has represented companies fending off litigation over toxic waste cleanup, and another represents employers on affirmative action requirements, force reduction and early retirement programs, their firms' websites say.
"Attorney Robert Sussman, one of the organizers, said in an interview that he was a registered lobbyist until recently, when he decided to help Obama raise money. So that he might do so, he said, the campaign requested that he drop his registration.
"'This is a policy that they felt would be consistent with their values and their beliefs. I take no position on the wisdom,' Sussman said. 'I decided whatever small inconvenience that was created [by ceasing lobbying] was more than outweighed by helping the candidate.'"
What's worse is the campaign's willful deception in, among other areas, its e-mail solicitations to the Net crowd in which the rhetoric of a citizens' campaign is laid on thick, even as the Obama works hard to keep his top-dollar fundraisers secret and out of the press.
Now some hard data and quality reporting is in that illustrates the reality of Obama's fundraising - and not just the fat cats behind it, but how the campaign has at once declared it won't accept money from lobbyists even as it accepts money from lobbyists.
1. "Some of Obama's K Street boosters keep their support a secret to uphold Obama's image as a Washington outsider untainted by D.C.'s influence," The Hill reports.
"When Obama declared his presidential candidacy in February, he said he would re-engage Americans disenchanted with business-as-usual in Washington who had turned away from politics.
"'And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what's filled the void,' said Obama. 'The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who've turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter; they think they own this government, but we're here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It's time to turn the page.'
"In a fundraising e-mail distributed yesterday, Obama emphasized his stance against taking money from lobbyists and PACs.
"Two lobbyists who are supporting another candidate and spoke to The Hill on condition of anonymity said that Obama's campaign contacted them asking to be put in touch with their networks of business clients and acquaintances.
"One of the lobbyists, who supports Clinton, said that Shomik Dutta, a fundraiser for Obama's campaign, called to ask if the lobbyist's wife would be interested in making a political contribution.
"'I was quite taken aback,' he said. 'He was very direct in saying that you're a lobbyist and we don't want contributions from lobbyists. But your wife can contribute and we like your network.'"
2. Last week, The New York Times reported that "Obama . . . has told some donors that their support enables him to run a new kind of campaign by refusing fundraising help from federal lobbyists. But a list of his top fundraisers released over the weekend shows that his campaign has defined the term in a way that allows him to accept contributions from people who were federal lobbyists at the start of his campaign.
"One of the best-known Democratic donors on his list of 130 top fundraisers, Alan Solomont, was registered as a federal lobbyists as recently as the last filing period for such registration, at the end of 2006.
"Mr. Solomont, who helped raise more than $35 million for Senator John Kerry's presidential campaign in 2004, founded a nursing home and assisted living company. During the Clinton administration, some Republicans claimed that he had used his clout as a fundraiser to argue against tougher regulations of nursing homes.
"Last year, he reported more than $90,000 in income from lobbying the federal government about Medicare and Medicaid.
"In an interview, Mr. Solomont said he had withdrawn his lobbyist registration as soon as he signed on as a fundraiser for Mr. Obama."
3. The Los Angeles Times reports that "the same wealthy interests are funding his campaign as are funding other candidates, whether or not they are lobbyists."
The Times reports that Obama has said in his e-mail solicitations that 'It may sound strange for a presidential candidate to launch a fundraising drive that isn't about dollars. But our democracy shouldn't be about money, and it's time our campaigns weren't either.'
"In another e-mail seeking money, Obama decried the 'special interest industry in Washington' and warned it would spend more money than ever to 'try to own our political process.'
"'We're not going to play that game,' the e-mail said."
The campaign has all but admitted, though, that its position is all about symbolism, not substance.
"This ban is part of Obama's best effort to address the problem of money in politics," spokesman Bill Burton told the Times. "It isn't a perfect solution to the problem and it isn't even a perfect symbol. But it does reflect that Obama shares the urgency of the American people to change the way Washington operates."
Um, okay.
"Obama's biggest single source of corporate money - $160,000 - came from executives at Exelon Corp., the nation's largest nuclear power provider, and its subsidiary, Commonwealth Edison, an Illinois utility," the Times reports.
ComEd, of course, is also one of the biggest supporters of Emil Jones, whom Barack Obama calls his political mento and who just used a parliamentary maneuver to keep the utility's controversial rate hike on track.
(The Rockford Register Star says: ComEd has been one of Jones' top two campaign contributors. In 2005, according to Crain's Chicago Business, Jones was the guest of honor at a fundraiser at the home of ComEd President Frank Clark. Crain's reported that the event generated about $127,000 in donations for Jones' campaign, with at least $78,000 of the contributions coming from dozens of executives and board members with ComEd and parent company Exelon Corp., as well as ComEd and power industry lobbyists.")
"Exelon spent $500,000 to influence policy in Washington last year," the L.A. Times report says. "Although Obama took no money from Exelon's Washington lobbyists, he accepted $1,000 checks from lobbyists John P. Novak and James Monk of Springfield. In Springfield, Novak represents Exelon., and Monk is president of the Illinois Energy Assn., a trade group that represents Commonwealth Edison.
"In Tallahassee, Obama held a fundraiser attended by several statehouse lobbyists, taking checks from lobbyists for trial attorneys, the insurance industry, fast-food chains and sugar cane growers. State and federal issues often are related, as noted by the law firm Akerman Senterfitt, whose Florida-based members donated $7,000 to Obama. On its website, Akerman notes it combines Tallahassee connections with 'an involved federal political action committee' to provide its clients 'with an enviable level of access.'"
And that's not all.
"On May 2, Obama is scheduled to attend a $2,300-per-ticket breakfast 10 blocks from the Capitol," the Times says. "The hosts include 22 lawyers. Although they are not federal lobbyists, three in the past have been registered lobbyists; they all work at firms that have Washington lobbying operations or hire outside lobbying firms to contact lawmakers.
"Lobbyists at the law firms where the lawyers work billed lobbying clients a combined $19 million in 2006, according to PoliticalMoneyLine. Clients include defense contractors, energy producers, healthcare interests, pharmaceutical manufacturers and tobacco companies.
"One lawyer co-hosting the Obama event has represented companies fending off litigation over toxic waste cleanup, and another represents employers on affirmative action requirements, force reduction and early retirement programs, their firms' websites say.
"Attorney Robert Sussman, one of the organizers, said in an interview that he was a registered lobbyist until recently, when he decided to help Obama raise money. So that he might do so, he said, the campaign requested that he drop his registration.
"'This is a policy that they felt would be consistent with their values and their beliefs. I take no position on the wisdom,' Sussman said. 'I decided whatever small inconvenience that was created [by ceasing lobbying] was more than outweighed by helping the candidate.'"
Obama Played Basketball & Cards With Lobbyists (and took their money while letting them write legislation)
From Washington Post on Decem,ber 1, 2007 By CHRISTOPHER WILLS: "SPRINGFIELD, Ill. -- Barack Obama played poker and basketball with lobbyists when he was a state senator. He took their campaign donations and worked with them to write legislation. But he also helped pass ethics laws to reduce sharply their influence.
A look at Obama's seven years in the Illinois Legislature reveals a complicated relationship with lobbyists _ particularly for someone who now makes criticism of lobbyists a centerpiece of his presidential campaign.
The Illinois Democrat, now a first-term U.S. senator, argues that they have too much power in Washington. He has sworn off taking donations from Washington lobbyists and political action committees, while assailing rival Hillary Rodham Clinton for not doing the same.
"It's time we had a president who tells the drug companies and the oil companies and the insurance industry that while they get a seat at the table in Washington, they don't get to buy every chair. Not any more," he said earlier this year.
Obama hasn't always been so adamant about lobbyists and their money.
About 40 percent of the money he raised as a state senator came from PACs, corporations and unions, including organizations with a financial stake in legislation he was sponsoring.
For instance, Obama, who often sponsored legislation on health care and prescription drugs, took $5,650 from health-related groups, $8,900 from insurance groups and $3,000 from a lobbyist representing drug companies.
Meanwhile, PACs contributed 3.2 percent of the $490,285 he raised for an unsuccessful congressional bid in 2000, and 8 percent of the $15 million he raised for his U.S. Senate race in 2004.
But while in the state legislature, Obama was a relatively small fish when it came to Illinois political money.
He usually got donations of a few hundred dollars or maybe $1,000 in a state where interest groups routinely give key officials tens of thousands of dollars at a time.
Disclosure reports show he rarely accepted gifts or meals from lobbyists, even though there was no limit on such freebies until Obama helped pass a law establishing one. For him, a big gift was $50 worth of tickets to a Rembrandt exhibit from the Art Institute of Chicago.
Some lobbyists were even a bit hazy on who he was, spelling his name "O'Bama" in their reports.
Several Illinois lobbyists said Obama was always willing to hear them out, even if he was on the opposite side of an issue.
"His door was always open. There weren't many times we agreed on things, but he would listen," said Jay Dee Shattuck, a lobbyist for the Illinois Chamber of Commerce, a group that didn't make campaign donations to Obama. In some instances, Obama didn't just listen to lobbyists. He worked with them to draft legislation, hammering out the specifics in long negotiations with lobbyists from both sides.
He used this approach to add safeguards to the state death penalty system and to prevent racial profiling in traffic stops, two touchy issues that involved law enforcement. Representatives from both sides say Obama took their concerns seriously and made concessions when they presented a good argument.
While Obama wasn't known for attending cocktail parties or dining with lobbyists, he did socialize with them.
Obama played basketball almost daily when the legislature was in session in Springfield and participated in a weekly poker game. His opponents included other legislators as well as some lobbyists. The lobbyists say they never discussed legislation during the game, but they did feel that establishing a rapport on the court or at the card table helped them with Obama in the long run.
Even friendly lobbyists could expect sharp questioning about their legislation.
"When you walked into his office, you'd better have all the facts," said Michael Lieteau, a lobbyist who played both basketball and poker with Obama. Lieteau lobbies for AT&T, which gave Obama at least $5,250 through its PAC.
Obama helped pass two of the toughest ethics laws in Illinois history, and both of them attempted to reduce the influence of lobbyists.
A 1998 law barred lawmakers from accepting most gifts from lobbyists. It also outlawed accepting campaign donations on state property, meaning lobbyists could no longer hand legislators a check just as they were entering the chamber to vote.
"Prior to that bill, if you wanted to give a legislator a car, you could," said Cynthia Canary, director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform. "That probably is the most significant curb we've put on in this state, and he was a key part of that."
Obama also co-sponsored a 2003 law that, among other things, barred lobbyists from serving on government boards and commissions and further tightened the restrictions on gifts to legislators.
After his election to the U.S. Senate, Obama was a leader in the successful effort to strengthen federal ethics laws. Lawmakers now have to disclose the names of lobbyists who raise money for them by "bundling" donations from many people. They also have to disclose special projects they try to add to the budget.
"Throughout his career, Barack Obama has fought to reduce the outsized influence lobbyists wield over the legislative process and to give a voice to underrepresented Americans," spokesman Ben LaBolt said in a statement.
He did not respond to questions about why Obama chose to accept lobbyists' donations in Springfield but rejects them now, except to say that Obama's ban is an imperfect solution to the problem of money in politics.
The ban is not absolute.
Obama's presidential campaign takes donations from state-level lobbyists and from the families and business partners of federal lobbyists. And Obama didn't adopt the ban until he ran for president. His Hopefund political committee accepted about $125,000 from PACs after he began serving in the U.S. Senate, and his Senate campaign committee also continued to accept PAC contributions until this year.
Canary doesn't see a contradiction between Obama's relationship with lobbyists in Springfield and his argument today that Washington lobbyists have too much clout.
One reason, she said, is that Illinois legislators have smaller staffs to research and write bills, so lobbyists must play a bigger part in explaining the issues. The real question is whether legislators give lobbyists too much authority, she said, and there's no indication of Obama doing that.
"I don't think it's bad to have those voices at the table, but it requires legislators to know what their own positions are and to do their homework," Canary said. "
A look at Obama's seven years in the Illinois Legislature reveals a complicated relationship with lobbyists _ particularly for someone who now makes criticism of lobbyists a centerpiece of his presidential campaign.
The Illinois Democrat, now a first-term U.S. senator, argues that they have too much power in Washington. He has sworn off taking donations from Washington lobbyists and political action committees, while assailing rival Hillary Rodham Clinton for not doing the same.
"It's time we had a president who tells the drug companies and the oil companies and the insurance industry that while they get a seat at the table in Washington, they don't get to buy every chair. Not any more," he said earlier this year.
Obama hasn't always been so adamant about lobbyists and their money.
About 40 percent of the money he raised as a state senator came from PACs, corporations and unions, including organizations with a financial stake in legislation he was sponsoring.
For instance, Obama, who often sponsored legislation on health care and prescription drugs, took $5,650 from health-related groups, $8,900 from insurance groups and $3,000 from a lobbyist representing drug companies.
Meanwhile, PACs contributed 3.2 percent of the $490,285 he raised for an unsuccessful congressional bid in 2000, and 8 percent of the $15 million he raised for his U.S. Senate race in 2004.
But while in the state legislature, Obama was a relatively small fish when it came to Illinois political money.
He usually got donations of a few hundred dollars or maybe $1,000 in a state where interest groups routinely give key officials tens of thousands of dollars at a time.
Disclosure reports show he rarely accepted gifts or meals from lobbyists, even though there was no limit on such freebies until Obama helped pass a law establishing one. For him, a big gift was $50 worth of tickets to a Rembrandt exhibit from the Art Institute of Chicago.
Some lobbyists were even a bit hazy on who he was, spelling his name "O'Bama" in their reports.
Several Illinois lobbyists said Obama was always willing to hear them out, even if he was on the opposite side of an issue.
"His door was always open. There weren't many times we agreed on things, but he would listen," said Jay Dee Shattuck, a lobbyist for the Illinois Chamber of Commerce, a group that didn't make campaign donations to Obama. In some instances, Obama didn't just listen to lobbyists. He worked with them to draft legislation, hammering out the specifics in long negotiations with lobbyists from both sides.
He used this approach to add safeguards to the state death penalty system and to prevent racial profiling in traffic stops, two touchy issues that involved law enforcement. Representatives from both sides say Obama took their concerns seriously and made concessions when they presented a good argument.
While Obama wasn't known for attending cocktail parties or dining with lobbyists, he did socialize with them.
Obama played basketball almost daily when the legislature was in session in Springfield and participated in a weekly poker game. His opponents included other legislators as well as some lobbyists. The lobbyists say they never discussed legislation during the game, but they did feel that establishing a rapport on the court or at the card table helped them with Obama in the long run.
Even friendly lobbyists could expect sharp questioning about their legislation.
"When you walked into his office, you'd better have all the facts," said Michael Lieteau, a lobbyist who played both basketball and poker with Obama. Lieteau lobbies for AT&T, which gave Obama at least $5,250 through its PAC.
Obama helped pass two of the toughest ethics laws in Illinois history, and both of them attempted to reduce the influence of lobbyists.
A 1998 law barred lawmakers from accepting most gifts from lobbyists. It also outlawed accepting campaign donations on state property, meaning lobbyists could no longer hand legislators a check just as they were entering the chamber to vote.
"Prior to that bill, if you wanted to give a legislator a car, you could," said Cynthia Canary, director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform. "That probably is the most significant curb we've put on in this state, and he was a key part of that."
Obama also co-sponsored a 2003 law that, among other things, barred lobbyists from serving on government boards and commissions and further tightened the restrictions on gifts to legislators.
After his election to the U.S. Senate, Obama was a leader in the successful effort to strengthen federal ethics laws. Lawmakers now have to disclose the names of lobbyists who raise money for them by "bundling" donations from many people. They also have to disclose special projects they try to add to the budget.
"Throughout his career, Barack Obama has fought to reduce the outsized influence lobbyists wield over the legislative process and to give a voice to underrepresented Americans," spokesman Ben LaBolt said in a statement.
He did not respond to questions about why Obama chose to accept lobbyists' donations in Springfield but rejects them now, except to say that Obama's ban is an imperfect solution to the problem of money in politics.
The ban is not absolute.
Obama's presidential campaign takes donations from state-level lobbyists and from the families and business partners of federal lobbyists. And Obama didn't adopt the ban until he ran for president. His Hopefund political committee accepted about $125,000 from PACs after he began serving in the U.S. Senate, and his Senate campaign committee also continued to accept PAC contributions until this year.
Canary doesn't see a contradiction between Obama's relationship with lobbyists in Springfield and his argument today that Washington lobbyists have too much clout.
One reason, she said, is that Illinois legislators have smaller staffs to research and write bills, so lobbyists must play a bigger part in explaining the issues. The real question is whether legislators give lobbyists too much authority, she said, and there's no indication of Obama doing that.
"I don't think it's bad to have those voices at the table, but it requires legislators to know what their own positions are and to do their homework," Canary said. "
No Ban on Lobbyists As Advisors for Obama
From The Washiginton Post on Janaury 7, 2008 By John Solomon: "Democratic presidential hopeful Barack Obama has made a big deal about the fact that his campaign doesn't accept political donations from Washington lobbyists, and recently declared that "they won't run my White House, and they won't set the agenda in Washington." But that ban doesn't extend to seeking their endorsements, or their advice.
Daniel Shapiro, one of Obama's foreign policy advisers on the Middle East, registered to lobby for several corporate clients in the last year, since leaving the office of Rep. Bill Nelson (D-Fla). Shapiro, who worked during the 1990s for President Bill Clinton's National Security Council, counts some of America's biggest corporate names among his clients, including beermaker Anheuser-Busch, carmaker Daimler Chrysler, the American Petroleum Institute and Freddie Mac.
Obama also recently secured the endorsement of former South Carolina governor Jim Hodges, who now runs a lobbying firm, the Hodges Consulting Group, and is registered himself as a federal lobbyist for Hillenbrand Partners, a Chicago-based company that does business with the Federal Home Loan Bank, according to U.S. Senate lobbying disclosure records. Hodges reported receiving $12,000 from the client in the first half of 2007, the records show. Hodges also signed on as a national co-chair of Obama's campaign and is advising Obama on his southern political strategy.
Obama spokesman Bill Burton said the candidate does not disqualify Washington lobbyists from from endorsing or advising him. "The way we address this issue is we don't take money from federal lobbyists," Burton said. "It's not a perfect symbol but it's his best effort to show the sort of administration he is going to have."
Hodges and Shapiro aren't the only federal lobbyists inside Obama's campaign. The Washington Post previously reported that Moses Mercado, a veteran political adviser to the likes of Dick Gephardt's former presidential bids, was negotiating last fall to become an adviser to Obama. Mercado was registered in Washington to lobby on behalf of several several corporate clients, including AT&T.
Mercado said today he ultimately decided to skip becoming a paid adviser and instead is volunteering his advice and time in hopes of sidestepping the questions about being a lobbyist on the Obama payroll. Mercado was departing today to Nevada to help Obama with that state's caucuses.
"It actually is better to do it this way. I don't want anything from it," Mercado said. "I wanted to do it for other reasons. I thought he was the right candidate for the country."
As for Obama's frequent criticism of Washington lobbyists, Mercado said, "I don't get sensitive about it. I don't take it personally. What he is trying to do is a good thing. What he wants is some transparency to the process."
A Post review of Obama's payroll, advisers and endorsements found several other Washington lobbyists. Obama staffer Buffy Wicks was registered in 2007 to lobby for the United Food and Commercial Workers union, while two fellow campaign aides were registered in 2006 to lobby for the Democratic-leaning Center for American Progress.
Obama's early state coordinator, Steve Hildebrand was registered since 2005 to represent an environmental firm but filed a report terminating his lobbying registration around the time he joined the campaign last January. "
Daniel Shapiro, one of Obama's foreign policy advisers on the Middle East, registered to lobby for several corporate clients in the last year, since leaving the office of Rep. Bill Nelson (D-Fla). Shapiro, who worked during the 1990s for President Bill Clinton's National Security Council, counts some of America's biggest corporate names among his clients, including beermaker Anheuser-Busch, carmaker Daimler Chrysler, the American Petroleum Institute and Freddie Mac.
Obama also recently secured the endorsement of former South Carolina governor Jim Hodges, who now runs a lobbying firm, the Hodges Consulting Group, and is registered himself as a federal lobbyist for Hillenbrand Partners, a Chicago-based company that does business with the Federal Home Loan Bank, according to U.S. Senate lobbying disclosure records. Hodges reported receiving $12,000 from the client in the first half of 2007, the records show. Hodges also signed on as a national co-chair of Obama's campaign and is advising Obama on his southern political strategy.
Obama spokesman Bill Burton said the candidate does not disqualify Washington lobbyists from from endorsing or advising him. "The way we address this issue is we don't take money from federal lobbyists," Burton said. "It's not a perfect symbol but it's his best effort to show the sort of administration he is going to have."
Hodges and Shapiro aren't the only federal lobbyists inside Obama's campaign. The Washington Post previously reported that Moses Mercado, a veteran political adviser to the likes of Dick Gephardt's former presidential bids, was negotiating last fall to become an adviser to Obama. Mercado was registered in Washington to lobby on behalf of several several corporate clients, including AT&T.
Mercado said today he ultimately decided to skip becoming a paid adviser and instead is volunteering his advice and time in hopes of sidestepping the questions about being a lobbyist on the Obama payroll. Mercado was departing today to Nevada to help Obama with that state's caucuses.
"It actually is better to do it this way. I don't want anything from it," Mercado said. "I wanted to do it for other reasons. I thought he was the right candidate for the country."
As for Obama's frequent criticism of Washington lobbyists, Mercado said, "I don't get sensitive about it. I don't take it personally. What he is trying to do is a good thing. What he wants is some transparency to the process."
A Post review of Obama's payroll, advisers and endorsements found several other Washington lobbyists. Obama staffer Buffy Wicks was registered in 2007 to lobby for the United Food and Commercial Workers union, while two fellow campaign aides were registered in 2006 to lobby for the Democratic-leaning Center for American Progress.
Obama's early state coordinator, Steve Hildebrand was registered since 2005 to represent an environmental firm but filed a report terminating his lobbying registration around the time he joined the campaign last January. "
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